1995 marked the publication of one of the most significant sources ever found for the descendants of Michael Ernst, known also as Johann Michael Ernst Kraft Hörner and even more familiarly as Michael Harness, Sr., or “old Michael Harness.“ This book was printed in Germany under the title, Ortssippenbuch Unteröwisheim, Stadtteil von Kraichthal, Landkreis Karlsruhe, 16. Jahrhundert bis 1900 [roughly town family book of Unteröwisheim, Kraich valley town, Karlsruhe district, 16th Century to 1900], compiled by Karl Diefenbacher (Frankfurt am Main, Zentralstelle für Personen- und Familiengesschichte, , 846 pp.) 1 Serious family historians and genealogists long have used the data collected by European churchmen from their records of births, baptisms, marriages, deaths and burials of their parishioners, some covering over two centuries. Now, in these town family books, the church Books [Kirchenbücher] data has been combined with local civil data from town records and other local sources to provide even more information about those families living in a particular town, village or parish.
This major new source of information about Michael, his parents and two siblings, though brief, provides a sound basis for identification of him and his family for the very first time. It tells us too where they resided before they began their journey to England and America with the Palatines of 1707/10. Unteröwisheim was a small village in northwestern Baden [today Baden Württemberg] situated on the lower part of the Kraich River between Karlsruhe and Heidelberg, about 28 kilometers south of the latter. The principal basis of this new book is the town's Church Books, many of which were damaged or missing significant portions due to destruction in the wars in that region in the 16th and 17th centuries and to the chaos of disease like the Plague. Fortunately, chronicles and other extant local records, including some censuses, are available to fill in the gaps. Everything considered, this publication probably contains as much sound data as will ever be found for those who resided there, even those who lived there just a few years.
It is among families of the latter type where we find Michael and his family. His father named therein Joachim Ernst Kraft Hörner, was further identified as „Hintersass,“ 2 meaning that the family was a later arrival in the village and certainly not a native one. From whence they came we do not know and may never know. As may be expected for recent arrivals, their data is brief; but for descendants it has information never known before and adds a new dimension to the founder of this Ernst/Harness family. Here is all of what was included:
"HÖRNER 2523 oo ... :Joachim Ernst Kraft Hörner, Hintersass und Apollonia_N N.. 3 Kinder: Regina Magdalena * ...+2.5.1701 alt: 4/4/2/- Michel Ernst * 2.1.1701 Susanna Barbara *17.12.1703 +6.1.1704 „
These symbols and numbers add quite a bit to a translation of this data: „not married in this village [oo …:], Joachim Ernst Kraft Hörner. Not a native of this village but a later arrival [Hintersass]; and Apollonia, maiden name unknown [NN]; with 3 children [Kinder]; Regina Magdalena, not born here [* …], but died here [+] on 05 Feb 1701 at age 4 years/4 months and 2 days; Michael Ernst, born here[*] in this village on 02 Jan 1701; and Susanna Barbara, born here 17 Dec 1703 and died here 06 Jan 1704.
The way the data was used by the compiler allows us to make sound additional deductions that add to our knowledge of this family. 3 Even by limiting ourselves to the above we see that Joachim and Apollonia arrived in Unteröwisheim sometime before January, 1701, probably after 1695. 4 Daughter Magdalena would have come with them but died in their new home on 2 May 1701 at the age of 4 years, 4 months, 2 days, indicating birth elsewhere about 30 December 1697. In the meantime their son, Michel [Michael] had been born in the village on 2 January 1701. 5 Michael's younger sister, Barbara, also was born there, on 17 December 1703 but lived only three weeks. She died there 06 January 1704. The absence of further data in the family town book tells us that his parents left Unteröwisheim with Michael sometime after Barbara's death; it could have been months or as long as five years. In any case, there were no later family events recorded in local sources in the Kraich Valley.
By the time the Unteröwisheim volume was published in Germany in 1995, Palatine immigration specialist Henry Z. Jones, Jr., had published (1985) his initial 2-volume study of German immigrants who had arrived in New York in 1710, and he had encountered a familiar name in Reed’s Churchbooks from the Tulpehocken settlement in Pennsylvania: Michael Ernst Kraft-Hörner. Michael was recoded there as a baptismal sponsor on 18 December 1733.
But even more immediately helpful was that Jones included nearly a page of data placing Michael among the 3 children of one „Ludwig“ Ernst Hörner, over a page of specific information about an older sister of Michael, and specific data about an older brother as well. 6 Finally, when researching and completing the newest 3 volumes in his monumental series on the New York Palatines, Jones incorporated the ortssippenbuch material and governor Hunter's Palatine Subsistence Lists in a complete analysis of the Hörner family [as he did also with hundreds of others]. 7
Jones significantly demonstrated that the name "Ludwig Ernst Hörner,“ found in the Hunter subsistence Lists and the West Camp churchbooks, had been given to New York official by one Pastor Joshua Kocherthal, who contributed considerable assistance in recording the new arrivals. But the person actually was Joachim Ernst Kraft Hörner of Unteröwisheim. So now let us pick up the story after he and his family left the village. There was a major problem here as well because Joachim's name and those of his wife and children do not appear on any extant Rotterdam or London lists of Palatines. This might have occurred for several reasons; being confused with another family, or arriving during the last hectic month of two when officials were so overwhelmed by the number of Germans seeking a new life that they quit completing the records. However it may have happened, we do know that the Ernst Hörners did arrive in Rotterdam and London, and did secure passage across the Atlantic and arrive in New York because Joachm's name (then styled Ludwig) first appeared on the Hunter List of 01 July 1710 as a family consisting of 4 persons over 10 and 1 under that age. The same entry appears again on the 04 August 1710 List. 8 However, the next list, of 04 October, does not contain the father's name but does that of his son, Conrad Mattheus "Herness.“ this suggests that Joachim was dead or missing by that time, a conclusion confirmed by a statement in Kocherthal's West Camp Churchbook record of Anna Margaretha's wedding there on 05 September 1710. the bride was identified there as a daughter of "the late Ludwig [Joachim] Hörner.“
A suggestion by co-author Rohrbach assisted us in working out a probable death date for Joachim. 9 Our detailed analysis of that last Subsistence List disclosed that the father seems to have died on 22 July 1710. That list covered 26 days. When the daily payments of 6 pence each for the 4 persons 10 years or older, and the 4 pence for the youngster under 10 are added they totaled 78 pence less thatn would have been the normal allotment for these 5 persons. The 78 pence would have been a 13 day payment for a person above the age of 10; therefore it is easy to calculate that one “older” person was denied a full allotment, and further that this person probably died; and conclude it probably was the father. Joachim was the only family member known to have died between their June arrival in New York and the September marriage of Anna Margaretha. Subtracting 13 days from the last date of the subsistence period results in the date of 22 July 1710, which can serve henceforth as Joachim's death date. 10
Specific traces of Apollonia are few, but there are enough to make a strong case for her arriving in New York with her family. There was a 4th person over 10 years of age for whom Governor Hunter's clerks paid subsistence money, in addition to Joachim and the two older children, on three successive lists. Then after 04 October 1710, the sudden disappearance of the Ernst Hörner family causes us to renew the search. Joachim of course, had died the previous July, and Margaretha probably moved away after she married young Johannes Kayser early that September. Yet, a re-analysis of the subsistence payments for the 61 days from 28 June to 04 October showed an underpayment of 32 pence, a clear indication, barring an accounting error, that not everyone in the remaining family had been present during the entire period. 11 That amount could mean one of two things: that someone under 10 missed the last 8 days [4 pence/day], or that the only youngster [Michael] was gone the 5 days after 30 September and an older person [Apollonia?] had missed the 2 days after 02 October [6 pence/day]. An absence of the two seems much better to fit the probable circumstances. For Michael to have departed while his mother was there to take care of him makes little sense. It would make sense, however, if Apollonia had been seriously ill by 30 September. Then Michael could have been sent to stay with his newly married sister while Conrad nursed their mother. If this is the correct assumption, and our subsistence calculations correct, then she probably died on 02 October 1710. such a sequence of events occurring at the end of that subsistence period would certainly explain the underpayment.
Also, Apollonia's death on 02 October would have set the stage for Conrad's apprenticeship [apparently established on or by 23 November 1710], for usually young persons apprenticed were orphans with no adult family members to maintain them. Her death at that time also would explain why there ceased to be a subsistence entry for the Ernst Hörner family after 04 October 1710. Adding still more weight to this conclusion is the entry of a young person under 10 to the Subsistence List of the Kayser family on 06 October 1710. 12 It must be assumed that this person was Michael because his sister did not give birth to her first child until 1712. Apollonia and Joachim could very well have withstood the rigors after departing from Unteröwisheim, even the disease-ridden Atlantic crossing, as did their 3 children. Actually, the severity of the long months on the way to America probably did prove too much for them, and allowed them no time to fully recover and to savor their escape.
That one child under 10 shown with this family No. 299 on the 1710 New York Subsistence Lists would have been Michael, then only 9 years of age. The two other persons over 10 turned out to be the older sister and brother, Anna Margaretha and Johann Conrad Mattheus. 13 Our knowledge of Michael's older brother is limited. His name first appears as head of their family on the Subsistence List dated 04 October 1710, which covered 61 days of payments made to the Hörner family after the previous 05 August. 14 As earlier demonstrated above, Margaretha had married and left early in September, Michael had been sent to live with her and her new husband, and his mother had died a couple of days before the end of the subsistence period. Conrad, then about 15, was left an orphan and thus with no particular standing or livelihood. The practice at that time in the Palatine camps was to place orphans in apprenticeships with regional farmers or businessmen so they could learn an occupation and be cared for, but not at public expense. On 23 November 1710 we find Conrad [“Johns Coenrt Mathies Horner”], age 15, bound to one Enoch Freeland of New York. 15 This was the last mention of Conrad found.
We know a bit more about Anna Margaretha Hörner. Because she was married in the Fall of 1710 we may assume that she was at least 20 years of age. This makes her the oldest known child of Apollonia and Joachim, born as many as 4 or 5 years before Conrad and thus nearly a decade before the family's arrival in Unteröwisheim. Her first named appearance in a document, however, was in the West Camp Lutheran Churchbook on the occasion of her wedding there on 05 September 1710. 16 The young man was another Palatine immigrant, Johannes Käyser [aka Keyser], who with his mother, Maria, had been No. 363 in the Hunter Subsistence Lists since 01 July 1710. Ulrich Simmendinger noted in his list that Johannes, Margaretha and 2 children were living in Fuchsendorf (Neu-Heesberg), one of the seven dorfs (towns) of Palatines in the Schoharie area in 1716. 17 The couple soon moved to the Stone Arabia Patent a bit further west along the Mohawk River, where their remaining 8 children were born. 18
The concludes the very first factual report ever on the birth family and the birth of Johann Michael Ernst [Kraft] Hörner. That it comes over 300 years after his birth should serve as a major caution to all descendants of any ancestor who immediately grasp at the first guess of full birth date they come upon. Michael's data is a product of only the last 25 years; and proves that patience and dedicated searching does enable us to learn so much more about our forebears than previous descendants ever fathomed. One part of the new data nearly was divulged 150 years ago but was misunderstood by everyone. 19 Michael's grandson George Trumbo, then about 80 and unwell, tried to explain it during an interview but it ended in a confusing manner that suggested an erroneous date. Now, of course, the newly discovered ortssippenbuch for Unteröwisheim states it exactly: 02 January 1701.
There were no documents found, however, that were at all definite about Michael's whereabouts between 1712, when he was along the Hudson River in New York, and his well-documented residence along Tulpehocken Creek in southeastern Pennsylvania by 1725. The only possibility in light of later developments was presented by Ulrich Simmendinger in his Register (1717), when he located the Kayser family and the family of Michael's “soon-to-be” wife, the Dieffenbachs, in adjoining villages among the seven Schoharie Valley settlements made by the Germans who left the Livingston (East Camp) and West Camp settlements. They moved again after the failure of the naval stores venture up the Hudson, and again after Governor Hunter had to halt subsistence payments to the Palatines after 1712. 20 The Kaysers later moved to the Stone Arabia Patent along the Mohawk River. About the same time, 1722/3 the first group of Germans left the Schoharie “dorfs” for the Tulpehocken region in Pennsylvania. We know that the Dieffenbachs arrived there by 1725. It is not unthinkable that Michael Ernst, then in his early 20's, was among the first of second group to Pennsylvania. 21
Among his German countrymen on the Tulpehocken Michael usually was recorded in documents simply as Michael Ernst, as he was on 10-11 January 1725/6 and 2-4 January 1726/7 on the tax assessments for landowners in Tulpehocken township, Chester County. His name on September 1727 petition by Tulpehocken settlers for a road to be established to Oley, in the next township, was a more full “Michgael” Ernst Herner. 22 Another list of settlers, compiled from early land deeds and patents in that township by C. I. Lindemuth, listed Michael Ernst as a patent holder; but a map of the patents drawn by Lindmuth and dated 1723 seems to have been of some date after 1728. Nevertheless, Michael's land straddled Tulpehocken Creek and was the second lot west of the Fells Manor line, and just the third lot east of a similarly situated lot belonging to Conrad “Diffebach.” 23 The last occasion in that community that resulted in Michael's full name on a document was the baptism of Johann Michael Riedt [Reed], Jr., at the well-known Reed’s Church shortly after young Riedt's birth on 18 December 1733. At this time Michael's name as sponsor was entered in the Church Book as “Michael Ernst Kraft-Hörner.” 24
Whether Michael, Elisabetha and their family still were in Tulpehocken when her father wrote his will on 22 July 1737 is not known. Michael's descendants have suggested many different years for their departure to Virginia, but none were or can be documented. This will is a significant document here, not for the date and general content but because it confirms that Johann Conrad Dieffenbach's daughter, “Maria Elisabeth,” had married Ernst. 25 Michael was on the South Branch of the Potomac River as early as 31 December 1742 when he signed an Orange County, Virginia, road petition with his neighbors. This was the earliest record to firmly place him in his new location, and also the earliest record on which he was referred to by the clerical corruption of his surname, “Herness,” by whomever wrote most of the names on that petition.26
Although the derivative spelling of Michael's surname began late in 1742, his full original name appeared on the record of his daughter's baptism the next year, on 9 October 1743. This would be expected from a countryman pastor who normally performed baptisms and weddings in the Tulpehocken region. Pastor John Casper Stoever recorded the event as the baptism of Dorothea, daughter of “John Michael Ernst Hörner,” on the South Branch. This occasion provided further evidence of Michael's marriage to Elisabetha Dieffenbach, for the couple who came all the way from Tulpehocken to sponsor young Dorothea were “Johannes Haag and his wife.” That wife was none other than Elisabetha's sister, Anna Dorothea Dieffenbach, who had married Johannes George “Haak” in Tulpehocken. 27
By 1745 the upper South Branch was under the jurisdiction of the new Augusta County, and with that came a period of six years in which the County Clerk and copyists did not enter the signature marks in the formal record books of that county. Until 1751 there were at least seven estates on record which contained the name “Michael Harness,” but there were no indications whether the person performing these tasks was Michael Ernst the father or Michael Harness the son. The signature marks would have told us. The general inability to read and write in English among the Palatines and the lack of ability to understand German by the county clerks and recorders makes name spelling and identification found in county records unreliable for family historians unless there are recognizable signature marks used. All we learn from these estates is that father and son were active in community tasks. 28
Yet, within the same six-year period there still were three occasions in which Michael Ernst certainly was a participant, and therefore a confirmed resident of that county. The first of these was on 15 April 1749 at a Coroner's Inquest into the death of a young Samuel Decker, held on the South Branch of the Potomac. Two of the jurors clearly identified as Johan Michael Hörner and Conrad Hörner. 29 The second occasion was during the following November, when Moravian missionaries from Pennsylvania made one of their visits to Virginia and the valley of the South Branch. As they wrote in one of their diaries, they had come up the South Branch from Winesap’s and spent the night with Henry Van Meter; they preached at Matthias Yoakum's and then “On Sunday November 5th  … In the afternoon we continued our journey, and stayed over night with Michael Ernst. 30 The third occasion, when it seems that Ernst first tried a signature mark, was on 13 August 1751 when he marked his signature on a security bond for estate administrator Matthias Yoakum [Joachem]. 31 He would use this the rest of his life.
Once the new Hampshire County court was up and running by early 1754, Michael began consistently to use his new signature mark. His “M E” was at first somewhat laboriously drawn by his untutored hand, but later was done with more authority. He did have a tendency, however to shorten the second diagonal stroke in his “M” to suggest an “N.” One notices later that it was so short on his will, and the left diagonal stroke beginning somewhat lower than usual on the left vertical leg, that several descendants considered it an “H,” which of course still left an “E” to be explained. Record keepers and others, on the other hand, seemed to assume almost always during and after the 1750's that Michael was a Harness. Their reasoning certainly would seem simple enough: his sons answered to Harness, why wouldn't he? Yet, for the rest of his life he persisted in using his “M E” mark in the space others left between the Michael and the Harness. After all, he knew who he was; he was Michael Ernst!
The long-running estate of Leonard Reed, from 1755 until 1769, shows the variety of ways in which Michael was recorded by clerks and copyists. When the Hampshire County Court in December of 1751 ordered him to be one of the appraisers, they addressed him as Michael Harness; but administrators of the estate addressed one certificate to him on 20 November 1762 as “Mickaell Earness;” and then on 10 March 1769 a new administrator paid him as “Mical Earnist” for a debt which Michael accepted with a receipt “signed” by “Michal M E Earnist.” 32 On 8 February 1757 Michael's frequent “Michael M E Harness” was with that of “George Z See's” when they brought in another estate inventory. Also in December that year, when he purchased items at an estate sale, they identified Michael as “Michael Earsest, Sr.” 33
Michael Ernst was appointed administrator of two estates, both in 1759, that are significant for the inclusion of the then very different signature marks used by father and son. The estates have significance also because they were the estates of two of Michael's sons, Adam and Jacob I. The importance of what these documents tell us about each son will be considered in separate studies of each; the rest will be dealt with here. While the father was spared the administration of Conrad's estate in 1757 by Michael, Jr., he did not avoid these others. We do not know when Adam and Jacob I died, only that it could have been anytime in the six months or so before the two Administrator's bonds were approved by the Hampshire Court on 14 February 1759. 34 Michael's signature mark on both were what had become his usual “M E,” but both were written with an uncertain hand, perhaps reflecting the emotion of that occasion. Michael, Jr. and family friend Henry Lancisco provided surety on both bonds. On each, Michael Jr., used a large cross casually made as his signature mark, a characteristic of his public signatures in that county. The clerk's addition of “Jr.” was a further means of distinguishing between father and son. 35
Michael Ernst seems to have withdrawn from public activity after the death of these sons. Not until he marked his will in 1779 have we found his signature mark on any public document. But, it was “Michael M E Ernest” that was used on the original copy of that will, which was eventually presented to the Hampshire County Court by his son, John, on 8 March 1785, and admitted to record. 36 What captures our attention in the original will document is that, in the body of the will, Michael's surname was spelled by whomever wrote the will, as “Ernest.” Traditionally, this was the nearest non-German clerks and Germans with a limited knowledge of English would get to a rendering of “Ernst” into English.
A confusing aspect of his will was that in it he identified each living son as “Harness.” We can only conclude that Michael, and certainly the actual writer of the will, accepted the “fact” that Harness had come to be thought of as the family surname. The important legal status of a will did not encourage confusion. However, Michael and the writer seemed to go to great lengths to point out that he – the father – was not a Harness but was as always “M E,” Michael Ernst. One wonders how all his descendants could have missed such an important aspect of his identity.
Why Harness: The nearest name to Ernst in English probably was Ernest or Earnest; and these used as surnames appeared frequently on public documents with Michael's given name in the 30 years before his death. Englishmen are well-known then and now often to drop an initial “H” from their spoken words, but to include it when writing. The final “t” often would not be said very distinctly; and the English ear would not be expecting it combined in a harsh German “st” sound. The written result of all this in the 1750s and 1760s moved easily away from Ernst to Earnest, to Earness, to Herness to Harness. This transition affected the sons as well, and came perhaps more quickly and completely for them. The boys, especially the older ones, gave no evidence of being able to write English, and probably never had become literate in German. Without such skills, even their own perhaps faulty pronunciation of Ernst could have encouraged the surname change; and may have made their own acceptance of Harness more immediate.
To summarize then, Johann Michael Ernst Hörner was born the son of Joachim Ernst Kraft Hörner and his wife, Apollonia, in the small village of Unter-Öwissheim in what is now Baden Württemberg, Germany. Michael, his older sister and brother were brought to the British North American colonies by their parents in 1710, along with a few thousand Palatines who had gone to England the previous year. His father died the month they arrived, his sister then married, the mother died in October, and Governor Hunter apprenticed his brother in November. All that and the grueling voyage from England came during the year before Michael turned 10! After a few years of “growing up” among the Palatine villages on the Schoharie, he went with some of these families to a new settlement on Tulpehocken Creek in southeastern Pennsylvania in the early 1720s. He married, also in the 1720s, Maria Elisabetha Dieffenbach, the daughter of a German barrel-maker, immigrant and Tulpehocken landowner By the time they moved from there to the South Branch of the Potomac River in the Northern Neck of Virginia, probably as many as six of their thirteen children had been born. The earliest confirmed date for his being on the South Branch was 31 December 1742, but they could have been there a year or two earlier. 37 Research in the extant documents of the several counties who administered the valley shows that he publicly was very active, especially assisting with the estates of his deceased neighbors; and very likely in many other ways as well. It shows also that he kept his identity as Michael Ernst his entire life by using his signature mark, “M E;” and that his sons all were known by the surname Harness before his death.
Our research in public documents also verified the early deaths of four of Michael's nine sons, and evidence that he administered two of their estates. His will deliberately left his entire estate, except Elisabetha's dower rights, to their youngest son, Jacob II. The will suffered several unwarranted changes and alterations at the hands of the record-keepers of Hampshire County, Virginia. This necessitated the use of the original copy, still available in the county's estate papers, for purposes of accuracy. Finally, this study has dispelled any notion that Michael was born a “Harness;” and offers an explanation of how “Harness” become the surname of the family.©2013 John L. Tevebaugh
1 Diefenbacher, at his center for personal and family history, has compiled and edited dozens of such books and is an acknowledged scholar in this field.
2 Ortssippenbuch Unteröwisheim, p. 376. the full title is used above. Family names therein are arranged alphabetically.
3 Diefenbacher and other compilers used only events and dates that occurred while the persons and families were resident in that village. Therefore, data about children and adults who were born, died, or were married before or after the family lived there were not recorded in that town lineage book. The absence of expected information means only that it happened elsewhere.
4 Subsequent consideration of New York subsistence records for the 1710 Palatines in this study will show that there were at least two somewhat older children who would have been born before the family arrived in this village, the younger born about 1695 and the older about 1690.
5 Later North American records indicate he had been given the baptismal name Johan which eventually, like most young German men of that time, he ceased to use. See John L. Tevebaugh, Johann Michael Ernst Hörner and his Harness Children, What the Documents Say (© 2001); and found at
6 Henry Z. Jones, Jr., The Palatine Families of New York: A Study of the German Immigrants Who Arrived in Colonial New York in 1710 (2 vols., Universal City, CA, 1985), II, pp. 378, 439-440, 785.
7 Henry Z. Jones, Jr., and Lewis Bunker Rohrbach, Even More Palatine Families; 18th Century Immigrants to the American Colonies, and Their German, Swiss and Austrian Origins (3 vols., 2600+ pp.; 2002), pp. 1707-1708, 1787,1798,1814. All Ernst/Harness descendants have a heavy debt to Hank Jones for his monumental series, and for the clear identification of their German connection.
8 Jones, The Palatine Families, I, p.378. The Subsistence Lists are presented in full detail in Jones and Rohrbach as cited in note 7.
9 Rohrbach, on p. 1782 of the work cited in note 7 above, said “It is quite possible that careful analysis of these differences [between payments and the usual reimbursement rates] will enable determination of approximate or even exact dates of birth and death.” The List, that of 10 July – 04 August is printed in full on pp.1795-1810 of that 3 volume work.
10 Obviously, the validity of the calculations depend upon the accuracy of the records used. Also, had Joachim died in the early morning of 23 July we have no idea if the officials on site would have allowed any subsistence for him that day.
11 Jones and Rohrbach, p. 1814.
12 Jones, The Palatine Families, p. 440 This recording of one person under 10 in the Kayser family would remain unchanged from 06 October 1710 through 13 September 1712. this suggests two things about this family: 1) that Margaretha's first child/son must have been born after 13 September 1712; and 2) they seemed in no hurry to report Michael's 10th birthday [if they actually knew it]. Normally, such and event would have been reported when the list ending 25 March was paid; the added 2 pence/day would have been significant at that time.
13 These two were not listed in the Unteröwisheim Ortssippenbuch because they were not born or married there. Their early birth dates indicate that they came to that village with their parents and younger siblings.
14 Conrad's entry on ledger folio 68 continues those of his father Joachim [“Ludwig”]. The number of persons over 10 was then 3, substantiating the recent death of his father Conrad, Margarethand their mother make up the 3, and young Michael was still the one under 10.
15 “Names of the Palatine Children Apprenticed by Gov. Hunter 1710-1714,” in Documentary History of N.Y., Vol. III, pp.566-568; as cited in Jones, The Palatine Families, p. 378. It can be hoped that some careful descendant researcher will make an effort to find Conrad in New York during and after his apprenticeship.
16 Records of St. Pauls Lutheran Church (Begun By Pastor Joshua Kocherthal) At West Camp, N.&,. 1708-1899, as cited in Jones, The Palatine Families, p. 378. The wedding entry, as noted earlier, was also the record identifying her as Joachim's [“Ludwig's”] daughter. It further identified the groom as being from Unteröwisheim, but no mention of him or his mother is to be found in that Ortssippenbuch.
17 Cited in Jones, The Palatine Families, pp439-440. Simmendinger and his wife had come with the Palatines in 1709, but returned to Germany where he published a list of those he knew before 1716. The “dorfs” were located along the Schoharie River River west of Albany, N.Y. It is from these locations that a number of Palatine families left for Tulpehocken in Pennsylvania in the early 1720's, among them the young Johann Michael Ernst Hörner and his new wife, Maria Elisabetha Dieffenbach.
18 Ibid. They were active in the Lutheran church in both locations; their daughter, Maria married into their daughter, Maria, married into the prominent Sommer family of Lutheran pastors there.
19 Draper MMS 12 CC, 113-115 [originally headed: Bath, Historical Collections, No. 19G. Trumbo, pp. 101-103] The Draper Manuscripts were first made available for public research in 1893, were first micro-printed in 1949 for widespread usage, and were done again in the 1980's. The interviewee was George Trumbo, the first child of Michael Ernst's daughter Margaretha [called “Grate”] and her husband Andrew Trumbo.
20 Simmendinger Register, compiled by Ulrich when he and his wife returned to Germany after having lived among the Palatines on the Hudson and the Schoharie, cited by Jones, I, p. 158; II, p. 1211. Back in Württemberg in 1717, Ulrich published this lengthy list of immigrant German families still in New York and where they were living at the time of Simmendinger's departure. The Kaysers he located in Neu-Heesberg, or Fuchsendorf, the Dieffenbachs in Neu-Ansberg or Hartmansdorf. See also Jones, I, pp. xiii-xvi.
21 Jones, I pp. xiv, xvi, 158, 439-440. Michael and Elisabetha may have married by 1723, for perhaps as many as 4 or 5 of their children were born in the 1720's.
22 Tax Assessments, Tulpehocken Twp., Chester County, Pennsylvania, microfilm at Pennsylvania State Archives, courtesy of Sara Stevens Patton. The spelling of his name on the Oley Road petition varies slightly with each researcher who reads the original names written in old German script; see Walter A. Knittle, Early Eighteenth Century Palatine Emigration; A British Government Redemptioner Project to Manufacture Naval Stores (Philadelphia, 1937; Baltimore, 1970), p. 300; and compare with Annette K. Burgert, comp., A Research Guide to the Tulpehocken Region; Lancaster (Now Berks and Lebanon Counties, PA), ©1994, Meyerstown, PA, p. 9.
23 Knittle, pp. 300-301. among the other patent holders and petitioners were several later South Branch of the Potomac residents: Leonard Reed, George Zeh and a Neff. Copies of Lindemuth's map frequently are reproduced despite the dating discrepancy. The fact that Michael's lot lies astride the creek is considered a good argument that he [and his father-in-law] was among the earliest of the Schoharie Palatines to reach the area.
24 Records of Reed's Church, Tulpehocken, Berks Co., Pa 1742 -”as cited in Jones, II, pp. 785 and 1210. Jones, I, 378, points out that despite the claims of a few Harness descendants, he and his German researcher found no evidence at all to support the claim that “Kraft” was a full part of the surname. This author's own research found a wide range of imagined surnames. Young Riedt/Riet/Reed was the son of a brother-in-law of Catharina Margareta Dieffenbach Riedt, a daughter of Conrad Dieffenbach and his first wife.
25 Will of John Conrad Tiffebogh [Johann Conrad Dieffenbach, but written by the clerk with a strong Celtic language background], dated 22 July 1737 at Tulpehocken, PA, and probated in Philadelphia County, PA, 11 October 1738. See the latter part of this author's study of Maria Elisabetha for a wide variety of ways “Dieffenbach” was entered into records by court clerks. See below for the only documented date by which we find this family on the South Branch.
26 “Orange County, Virginia, 31 December 1742, Humble petition of ye Enhabitence of ye South Branch of Poetomack River,” in Orange county Court Papers, Orange, Virginia (from a photocopy in Orange County Court Papers, Virginia State Archives, Richmond, courtesy of Sara Stevens Patton). Robert Worthington, who transmitted the petition seems to have written most of the names. As discussed later, Herness seems a natural derivative of “Ernst/Ernest/Erness.”
27 F.J.F. Schantz, transl., Records of Rev. John Casper Stoever, Baptismal and Marriage, 1730-1799 (Harrisburg, PA, 1896; reprint, Baltimore, 1982), p. 24. Anna Dorothea “Hock” was named in their father's 1737 will, see citation above in note 25. Dorothea had married Johannes/Hans Georg Hock (also Haak, Haag, Hack and other varieties, including a later Hawk), who may have been a later child in the Hauck family that left Wiesloch with the Dieffenbach family in May, 1709; see Jones, I, p. 158. It was the Reverend Stoever who stated in his record that this daughter of Michael and Elisabetha was born in 1741.
28 The actual estates are found in Augusta County, Court Order Book 1, pp. 220-221; Book 2, pp. 5, 69, 491, 516 and 572; and Will Book 1, pp. 77, 165-169, 215, 407-409; and Book 2, p. 294.
29 “Augusta County, Virginia, Court Judgments, Original Petitions and Papers Filed in the County Court,” as listed in Lyman Chalkley, comp., Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement of Virginia; Extracted from the original Court Records of August County, 1845-1800 (3 vols.., Baltimore, 1965), 1, p.433. Other jurors also were neighbors.
30 Wm. J. Hinke and Charles E. Kemper, eds., “Moravian Diaries of Travels Through Virginia,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, vol. II (1903), p. 121. Michael's earlier family religious affiliation seemed to be Lutheran rather than reformed, but early parental deaths may have ruled out any family tradition for him.
31 “Estate of Francis Yoakum,” Frederick County, Virginia, Order Book 3, p. 493; and Will Book I, p. 481. this was Michael Ernst's first appearance in the Winchester court, but his son, Michael, Jr., had been there several times the year before. The copyist, as sometimes happened, reversed the marks of Michael and Matthias, but the former's mark, “M. E.,” did not fit his friend at all.
32 “Leonard Reed, Receipt for Wheat, 1755;” “Appraisement Order, December 1757;” and “Michal M E Earnist receipt to John Reed, March 10 1769,” in Hampshire County, Virginia Court Records, 1736-1785, Box 1, Envelope 7 [LDS microfilm #0186352].
33 Loc. Cit., “Estate of Adonijah Scott; and Estate of Christian Dousher,” in Chalkley, III, p. 53, from Augusta County, Virginia, Will Book 2, p. 307.
34 “Administrator's Bonds of Michael M E Harness for Estates of Adam Harness, dec'd and Jacob Harness, dec'd,” both bonds dated 14 February 1759, in Hampshire County, Virginia, Court Records, 1736-1785, Box 1, Envelope 4 [LDS microfilm # 0186352].
35 Ibid. The father's administration of the two estates also may be an indication that the supposed next oldest son, John, was not yet 21 and thus not legally eligible to administer an estate. Precise ages of the Harness children are unknown. What is know about John was that, despite what many descendants recorded, he was by no means the eldest boy.
36 “Will of Michael M E Ernest, 1779, proved 8 March 1785” in Hampshire County Virginia, Court in Probate Case Papers, Romney, West Virginia. A somewhat corrupted version was copied into the Hampshire County Will Book 2, pp. 111-113, and seems to serve as the official recorded copy, even though the copyist made considerable spelling and capitalization changes. Also, on the verso of page 3 of the original will, when first noted as having been “Recorded & Examined,” it is written: “Will Bk I-22, page 18” [apparently that book was “retired” from use and the contents recopied into what is now Will Book 2 (1780-1794), pp. 110-112]. another so-called “Will Book” copy, found typed[!![ in a book of miscellaneous wills labeled as “Vol. I (1756-1860)” contains so many errors and omissions that it should never be used!
37 A very persistent family legend has the family coming from Pennsylvania to the South Branch in 1738, a date based solely upon some calculation that their oldest daughter, Elizabeth, was 11 at the time. However, the activities ascribed to that 11-year old in the legend are so preposterous that we are forced to dismiss all these “facts” that were part of the story. As with all the rest, no documented date of birth exists for her.